De Achttiende Eeuw 32 (2001) nr.1-2
Ernestine van der Wall
'Religion and Enlightenment. Harmony or conflict?'
The 1999 conference of the 'Werkgroep Achttiende Eeuw' was devoted to the relationship
between religion and Enlightenment, which has again received explicit attention in recent years. One
of the main questions is whether this relationship was characterized by harmony or conflict. On the
one hand there are those who emphasize the conflictual aspects of this relationship - a prominent
example is Peter Gay -, while on the other hand it has become fashionable, in the vein of Ernst
Troeltsch, Sebastian Merkle and Ernst Cassirer, to stress the harmonious side, resulting in such
concepts as 'christian Enlightenment' or 'moderate Enlightenment'. The aim of the conference was
to discuss questions relating to this 'conflict-harmony' debate from the perspective of various disciplines.
The conference focused on both the Dutch Republic and the Southern Netherlands, which
brought out differences as well as affinities between Protestant and Roman-Catholic contexts. Due
to the impact of Cartesian and Spinozist philosophies the Dutch Republic could easily be called the
first country where the European Enlightenment manifested itself. The 1660s may be regarded as
the great turning-point. One of the questions is whether the Enlightenment in the northern Netherlands is to be labelled as 'moderate' or whether other versions of the Enlightenment, for example,
an anti-Christian one, can be detected.
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Ernestine van der Wall
'Criticism of religion and apologetics in the eighteenth century.
The dynamics of a debate'
Can 'enlightened Christianity' be identified with 'true Christianity'? For many eighteenth-century
Christian believers this was a crucial question. In the eyes of traditional Christians the answer was
absolutely negative, while more progressive believers tended to think more positively.
While in recent decades many studies on the relationship between Christianity and
Enlightenment have pointed to its harmonious aspects, it should be emphasized that enlightened
thinkers liked to venture harsh criticism on Christianity, labelling many important dogmas and other
usages as 'superstition'. Since their criticism may be regarded as an enlightened form of apologetics,
the debate between traditional and enlightened believers about religion and the Enlightenment can be
regarded as a discussion between conservative and progressive apologists.
Conservative apologetics can be most helpful in showing us how contemporaries did
perceive the nature of the Enlightenment attack on religion in its various stages. In the Dutch
Republic Dutch Cartesianism and Spinozism were succeeded by British and French deism around
the middle of the eighteenth century. In the second half of the century German neology took over.
Was this last phase similar to the sixteenth-century Reformation, as the neologians themselves
contended, or did it herald the rise of modern paganism? A prominent Dutch apologist, the
reformed minister Jan Scharp (1756-1828), maintained the latter in his very interesting and learned
Godgeleerd-historische verhandeling ('Theologico-historical treatise') of 1793. He stated that
neology was worse than either Cartesianism or deism since it was a product of Protestant theologians. The enlightened enemy thus finally got a strong foothold within the church itself.
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André Hanou
'Wolff in sheep's clothing: the Unalterable Santhorst Confession (1772)'
In 1772, when this text appeared anonymously, it caused quite an upheaval. Especially the members
of the public (Dutch Reformed) church were shocked. Why?
The satire by the up-and-coming author Elizabeth Wolff focuses on the beliefs allegedly
accepted at 'Santhorst' manor, owned by the famous scholar Petrus Burman, a member of the
'republican' party. Here, Wolff states, meetings and festivities are conducted in an almost church-like and liturgical way, that commemorate the doctrines and political saints of the founding times of
the Dutch Revolt. The Santhorst catechism implies belief in the original unity of freedom-loving
Dutchmen, republicans by nature, not divided by religious bigotry. Dutchmen should be 'catholic',
that is: united but tolerant.
The implication is clear: in these enlightened, modern times the Dutch Republic is once more
threatened by tyrannism (the stadholderate) and inquisition (dogmatic calvinism). Our political ideals
should be inspired by the thoughts and acts of our Founding Fathers.
Using literary means, Wolff adds insult to injury: her text continually uses the well-known
forms of the most 'sacred' calvinist texts and writings, thus accentuating the unholy and worldly
contents of her republican belief and confession.
Remarks by Gert-Jan Johannes
I would like to raise two points. Firstly: some ten years ago, Hanou was an eloquent spokesman for
those who advocated the idea of a 'radical' Enlightenment in eighteenth-century Holland, as
opposed to the traditional picture of Dutch Enlightenment as an exclusively 'protestant' affair.
Hanou's current contribution, in which Betje Wolff is considered to have been a representative of
precisely this 'protestant' Enlightenment, reminds one of the fact that the discussion on this topic has
somehow withered away, without reaching any conclusions. Secondly: the way 'Roman-Catholic'
customs are portrayed in Betje Wolff's satires raises some doubts regarding the real meaning of the
'Tolerance' she advocates. In my opinion, these satires represent the beginning of a new anti-Catholic discourse in Holland, which was to grew in importance after 1800. Can't we hear the
sound of scaffolds being built in the background of Wolff's satirical menuettes?
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Peter van Rooden
'Piety, power, Enlightenment'
Enlightened critiques of religion are best understood within the context of the politico-religious
practices of the confessional state, which located religion socially by upholding a public order. The
abuses of power which this regime made possible are the specific target of the enlightened critique.
Still, almost all enlightened reformers took the confessional state for granted and presupposed its
continuing existence.
The emergence of cultural nationalism and the nation-state, which located religion in the
inner self of the members of the nation's moral community, decisively changed the context, and thus
the meaning, of the enlightened view of religion.
Remarks by Joris van Eijnatten
Van Rooden defines the Enlightenment as a discourse in which the intellectual elite criticized the
abuses of power by the confessional state, without, however, calling the legitimacy of that state into
question. I would like to set this definition against Immanuel Kant's well-known text 'Was ist
Aufklärung?'. It is arguable that in this particular text Kant was, in fact, suggesting that relatively
large sections of the population should comprehensively criticize the confessional state as such. Thus
it seems that Van Rooden's definition of Enlightenment does not hold for much of what is now
generally regarded as 'Enlightenment' in both Germany and the Netherlands.
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Jan de Vet
'Ideas of the early Enlightenment: Pieter Rabus' The Joy of Philology'
In his collection of articles Vermakelykheden der Taalkunde (2nd edition, 1692), Pieter Rabus
(1660-1702), a praeceptor and journalist from Rotterdam, addressed a public that had not had a
classical education. It was his aim to contribute to the intellectual development of this category of his
contemporaries. The initiative, enlightened in itself, was carried out in an enlightened way. Among
other things Rabus analysed classic sources and explained the origin of superstition, what it looks
like, how it is legitimated and how it spreads. Some of the subjects treated were the passage on
Christ in the Antiquitates Judaicae by Flavius Josephus, the Messianic interpretation of Vergil's
Fourth Eclogue and the Sibylline prophesies. The starting points in the arguments are that superstition as well as disbelief may be discerned from true belief, that reason plays an essential role and that
it befits man to be tolerant in his judgment.
Remarks by Cornelis A. de Niet
The literary genre which Rabus' Vermakelykheden der Taalkunde belongs to, presupposes a
mass of humanistic knowledge on the part of the readers. Rabus' intended public, however, did not
possess this. The use of the vernacular instead of Latin sharpens the incongruence between the
author and readers of Vermakelykheden, which also emerges in Rabus' attack on the
roman-catholic clergy with regard to the (alleged) falsification of historical texts.
Dries Vanysacker
'Enlightened Ultramontane: a contradiction in terms or reality?'
This article wants to demonstrate that the Roman Ultramontane camp was far from being one
monolithic entity, averse to any kind of renewal or openness to the world of Enlightenment. My
argument is based on a study of concrete methods, attitudes, book collections, projects and
activities of two pivots of the Roman Church and defenders of the rights of the Holy See, i.e. the
Italian Cardinal Giuseppe Garampi (1725-1792) and the Bishop of Antwerp, Jacob Thomas Jozef
Wellens (1726-1784).
The conclusion must be that Garampi and Wellens can, indeed, be called 'Enlightened
Ultramontanes'. Not only did they have open and critical minds, and employed 'enlightened'
methods and approaches, their activities (such as reorganising the poor relief, catechizing adults,
reworking curricula in post-seminary teaching) clearly show they both adhered to the Catholic
Enlightenment.
Only after the difficulties between Rome and Joseph II, who dramatically enough had the
same ideal of clearing and reforming the Church and catholic Faith, did both prelates change their
attitudes. Since 1780 'Enlightened Ultramontane' increasingly became a contradiction in terms.
Anti-Ultramontanism appeared to Rome to be a greater danger than irreligion. Garampi too, fell into
this trap. He could not longer answer the questions which were raised by the advocates of the
radical Enlightenment and of the Revolution. Whether Wellens - who had shown much more
attention to the Philosophes and the Freemasonry - would have done the same, remains the
question since he died young.
Remarks by Theo Clemens
I would like to propose a more dynamic definition of 'Enlightenment', one which may help to solve
the problematic relationship between the activities in favour of and those against the Enlightenment
of the two roman catholic spokesmen described by Vanysacker. According to this dynamic
definition 'Enlightenment' is a stage in the history of the western world which is characterised by an
ongoing and intruding debate, at a theoretical and practical level, about the role of reason as
opposed to that of Scripture and Church in the process of establishing a better world. This definition
has the advantage of being inclusive. It keeps proponents and opponents together and allows for
different developments in different times and contexts to be taken in account.
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Jan Wim Buisman
'The changing view of man in the Dutch protestant Enlightenment: some
introductory remarks'
Around 1800 a major transition in the intellectual history of Dutch calvinism took place, as the old
pessimistic view of man gave way to a more optimistic one. Even ministers of the prevailing Dutch
Reformed Church gave a more liberal interpretation to the Heidelberg catechism. Self-denial lost its
central place in their moral philosophy to eudaemonism.
A similar evolution of thought can be found in the traditionally more radical milieu of the
protestant dissenters and in the mainstream of contemporary catholicism.
Generally we may speak of a tendency towards a 'double harmony'. In the first place,
progressive spirits of all confessions tried to combine the optimistic anthropology of the Enlightenment with an equally enlightened version of Christianity. Secondly, enlightened protestants and
catholics found each other in their more optimistic view of man. In a sense, an early ecumenism was
born, often focusing on themes of moralism and happiness. The fragile synthesis, however, was
criticised by more conservative minds of both confessions.
Remarks by Roel Bosch
In debates about 'old' questions theologians, also the more enlightened ones, kept using the old
words, loyal as they were to their background. About the authority and the meaning of these words,
however, they did not share their ancestors' ideas. This makes it hard to discern where old
anthropology ends and new anthropology begins, when we look at dogmatic theology.
However, became far more important than dogmatic theology. Here, new words were
introduced: instead of 'unwillingness' and 'conversion' came 'improvement' and 'education'.
Enlightened theologians believed in a better future: God's good earth as a place for God's good
people.
Another source of knowledge about the protestant anthropology in this period is the large
number of pedagogic publications, hymnals and alba amicorum. This commentary discusses an
example from a book by the renowned minister A. van den Berg, who wrote on such concepts as
being satisfied, happiness, the power and the light of reason, friendship, equality with angels, and
gratitude.
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Jan Snoek
'Rational and irrational: on the flourishing of esotericism in the
eighteenth century'
During the eighteenth century, the central opposition was not that between 'rational' and 'irrational',
but rather that between inflexible tradition and dynamic experience. This experience has two
components: scientific (rational) and personal (irrational, esoteric). Both are understood as keys to
'Enlightenment', as two complementary ways of understanding resp. experiencing the Divine.
Therefore, it is not really surprising to see the same persons active in both areas, and esoteric
movements acting as propagators of 'rational' Enlightenment. The two were to be regarded as
incompatible only during the nineteenth century, which created the opposition rational-irrational, and
associated the first of these with materialism.
Remarks by Wouter Hanegraaff
The complex relations between the Enlightenment and esoteric traditions is an often neglected but
highly relevant area of historical investigation that has been put on the agenda only recently, most
notably by the German historian Monika Neugebauer-Wölk. Snoek is right in calling our attention
to this problematic, but goes too far in suggesting that the philosophy of the Enlightenment as such
might be rooted in western esotericism. His approach is essentially an application of the now
superseded 'grand narrative' of hermeticism, associated with the name of Frances Yates. The
importance of western esoteric elements in the thought of at least a number of Enlightenment
thinkers is undeniable and in need of further study, but this does not imply that the project of the Enlightenment as such is indebted to esotericism.
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Wiep van Bunge
'Rationality and Enlightenment'
In this article I argue that the debate about the nature of the Dutch Enlightenment and its relation to
the German and the French Enlightenment in particular would profit considerably from the recognition that the early Dutch Enlightenment should be situated in the second half of the seventeenth
century. During the first stadholderless age, it is argued, a radical Enlightenment may be discerned in
the writings of Spinoza and his friends, who were just as critical of revealed religion as some of the
fiercest French critis of the Ancien régime, while making room for an understanding of the Christian
heritage which goes beyond the sheer hostility of d'Holbach. Accordingly, the romantic, German
reaction to French materialism is deeply inspired by Spinoza, turning him into a key figure in the
emergence of both French materialism and German idealism. The main differences between the
early, radical Enlightenment in the Republic and in France should probably be attributed to the fact
that in the Netherlands there seems to have been no equivalent to the French seventeenth-century
'libertinage érudit'. The violent scepticism still rampant among the authors of the first clandestine
manuscripts was fundamentally at odds with Spinoza's rejection of the 'pyrrhonist' challenge.
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Jan Roegiers
'Enlightened Activism'
The term Catholic Enlightenment met with strong resistance, both in and outside the Church.
Many consider it a contradictio in terminis. The term does not occur in eighteenth-century
sources. Does this mean it is an anachronism? On the other hand, contemporary authors and later
historiographers do not hesitate to use the term Christian Enlightenment and often underline the
connaturality of Protestantism and Enlightenment. Some eighteenth-century Catholics presented
themselves firstly as Christians and only in the second place as Catholics. This was the result of a
process of 'reduction' that intended to emphasize the essentials of faith.
The antinomy between the two terms was solved in the eighteenth century, not in a
theoretical, but in a pragmatical and practical way. The Enlightenment is characterized by its
activism. Rather than solving the problems of their time by theological discussions or a theoretical
discourse, Catholics developed a new practice that suited the contemporary developments and that
was intended as a contribution to the European Enlightenment in its own right.
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